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Tail End Charlie

Detail of the symbols representing the victories achieved by the pilots of the Czechoslovak 310th Fighter Squadron of the RAF on Hurricane Mk.I “NN-D” (P3143). The four victories indicate the aircraft is depicted as it appeared on September 7th or 8th, 1940. Up to , that point, two victories had been recorded by F/Lt. G. L. Sinclair, and two more by Sgt. Bohumil Fürst. Later in September, additional victories were achieved by P/O Stanislav Fejfar, Sgt. Eduard Prchal, and again by Bohumil Fürst.


About Swastikas and more…

Text: Jan Bobek


In the October 2024 issue of INFO Eduard magazine, I published an article about an international aviation gathering commemorating the 80th anniversary of the air battle over the Ore Mountains. This historic event, which took place on September 11, 1944, saw the 100th Bomb Group—nicknamed the "Bloody Hundredth"—suffer some of the heaviest casualties in its history. If you have a moment, I’d be delighted if you could read the article.

The gathering in the Czech township of Kovářská was well attended, attracting a large number of participants, many of whom were members of the public from neighboring Germany.

During a visit to the local museum, which is dedicated to the air battle, an interesting situation unfolded. A group of German visitors stopped to examine the nose art of a B-17 bomber, which displayed symbols of aerial victories in the form of swastikas. Mistakenly assuming the aircraft to be German, they asked the museum staff about its origins. To their surprise, they were informed that it was an American bomber and that the swastikas represented victories against the German Luftwaffe. The visitors were visibly taken aback, as they had naturally assumed that any aircraft bearing swastikas must, of course, be German.

I believe that the vast majority, if not all, of the readers who engage with my text are so well-versed in aviation and military history that such a question would never cross their minds. Many might even shake their heads at the museum visitors' lack of understanding.

That said, I assume our German readers can understand the context of this situation. In Germany, the display of the swastika has been strictly regulated under the Criminal Code for many years. In simple terms, its use is permitted for religious purposes (as it is, for instance, a Hindu symbol) or in connection with the history of the Third Reich, such as in historical photographs, period film footage, feature films, and educational materials (this is a simplified list).

Hurricane Mk.I, P3143, No. 310 (Czechoslovak) Squadron, RAF Duxford, Cambridgeshire, United Kingdom, September 1940.


However, the swastika cannot be displayed in Germany on newly created items that could, in any way, be used to promote the Nazi regime. While I understand the reasoning behind this restriction, it does pose challenges for historians and illustrators, particularly when creating new depictions of military equipment.

After several generations in Germany since the Second World War, the swastika has become a kind of taboo, strongly associated with the Nazi period—a subject the public often prefers not to delve into too deeply. The historical guilt of the German people for the atrocities committed under Hitler's regime in the 1930s and 1940s is heavily emphasized in the school curriculum, even extending to geography classes. As a result, German society has reached a point where the sight of a swastika automatically triggers the assumption that it represents and promotes the Nazi regime and likely constitutes a violation of the law.

This perception extends to situations where a layperson encounters symbols unrelated to Nazism, such as a Finnish aircraft bearing a blue swastika, a Latvian plane with a red swastika, or an American infantryman’s helmet from the First World War featuring a swastika painted as a good luck charm. Similarly, a Spad biplane fighter adorned with a red swastika can lead the uninformed observer to mistakenly conclude that these symbols are tied to the Nazi era.

Adolf Hitler adopted the swastika as a symbol of his political party in 1920. Werner Voss and his Albatros D.III from Jasta 2, which featured a swastika on its side in 1917, could not possibly have had any connection to Hitler’s use of the symbol. At that time, that "damned Austrian non-commissioned officer" of the Bavarian army was still running around in the trenches as a liaison.

However, this historical nuance is irrelevant to the average layperson in Germany. Imagine someone in a German shop coming across a model of a First World War Spad fighter plane from the American volunteer Escadrille Lafayette, featuring a swastika on its side. It is quite likely they would report it to the police. The police, uninterested in the historical context or the fact that the plane bears French cockades, would have to follow procedure by gathering evidence for an investigation. This involves confiscating the goods and commissioning expert reports.

After a year of investigation, the goods would be returned, often in a slightly worse condition, along with a statement concluding that no law was violated, as the product has no connection to the Nazi regime. By this time, however, the shop might have already gone out of business. While hypothetical, similar cases have indeed occurred in Germany.

None of what I’ve described may resonate well with history enthusiasts, but it reflects the reality of the German marketplace for manufacturers and retailers. For this reason, we avoid displaying swastikas on products intended for the German market, even when depicting subjects like German aircraft from before the NSDAP era or items with no connection to Germany at all.

As a result, you won’t find swastikas representing victory symbols against Nazi airmen on decals in kits for Mustangs, Spitfires, or other aircraft destined for our German distributors. It’s an absurd situation, but the risk of denunciation by an uninformed public is simply too great to ignore.

This measure significantly complicates our production process. While we hope to consult with the German Chamber of Commerce regarding swastikas that are unrelated to the Nazi regime, I am unsure if such efforts will lead to any meaningful resolution. The caution exercised by our German distributors will likely outweigh the benefits of any legal clarification, and even the Spad from Escadrille Lafayette will lose its battle with the German general public.

Images from the IWM collections show famous aces Robert S. Tuck (photo no. 1), Eric S. Lock (no. 2), and the Hurricane Mk.I coded NN-D (P3143) aircraft (no. 3) being serviced by Czechoslovak mechanics. All aircraft feature victories marked in the form of swastikas. Currently, aircraft model kits on the German market cannot include swastikas, even as symbols of aerial victories in the fight against the Nazi regime. This leads to sometimes absurd connections, for instance, Robert S. Tuck was of Jewish origin. Strangely, this biographical detail was erased from English version of Tuck´s Wikipedia page. 


Unfortunately, this approach results in complaints from customers in other countries who receive kits from German dealers with decals that have been self-censored in this way.

In this context, I must also express my dismay at the opposite extreme. For instance, in the United States, it is possible for someone to march in a demonstration wearing a T-shirt or carrying a flag bearing a Nazi swastika without facing consequences. In my country, and rightly so, such behavior would swiftly lead to arrest, prosecution, and punishment. I am confident that no American soldier who served in World War II would disagree with me. Promoting a regime responsible for atrocities like the slaughter of American prisoners at Malmedy, not even speaking of the rest, has nothing to do with freedom of speech.

Unfortunately, the German perspective on the display of the swastika is increasingly influencing other EU countries. For example, the Czech Criminal Code has been mirroring German legislation on this matter for several years. We do not yet know whether the interpretation of the law will be identical, nor do we know how law enforcement authorities will handle it. Nevertheless, we foresee significant risks in the future, which is why we are taking precautions and removing swastikas as distinctive markings in our kits.

If Germany succeeds in thoroughly eradicating the swastika from public spaces, it will paradoxically represent a form of "final victory" 80 years after the war. Not only will historic German machines lose their obvious Nazi-association, but the Allies' victories over the Nazis will also fade from public recognition. In effect, we risk erasing the record of the Allied triumph over the Nazi regime from history.

 I believe that European countries, particularly Germany, should focus on more pressing issues than the strict regulation of the swastika, which has led to the kinds of misunderstandings and complications described earlier. To explain what I mean, I will quote several prominent figures on the topics of Russian aggression and Islamic extremism.

To clarify my point, I’d like to reference the insights of individuals more qualified than I am, particularly when comparing their expertise to my own 20 years of experience in management positions across several countries. My career includes working in an international consulting and engineering firm headquartered in the Netherlands, with a parent company in Germany, half of my colleagues based in the Gulf region and my own team including members in Russia.

One critical issue that demands attention is Russia and the multifaceted war it is waging against the West, Ukraine, and other countries through various means and with varying levels of intensity. Notably, Russia likely holds the record for the largest number of neo-Nazis within its borders, and in the early months of its invasion of Ukraine, it sought to mask its colonial aggression with rhetoric about fighting Ukrainian Nazis and fascists. This observation is not meant to downplay the existence of neo-Nazis in Ukraine or other European countries.

British General Sir Alexander Richard Shirreff, who served as Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe from 2011 to 2014, published a book in 2016 entitled "2017: War with Russia: An Urgent Warning from Senior Military Command." In this historical fiction, he described a scenario in which Russia in 2017 militarily occupied eastern Ukraine, established a land link with occupied Crimea, and then invaded the Baltic states, threatening to use nuclear weapons. At the same time, Shirreff warned of the unpreparedness of British and European military forces for such a scenario.

At the time of the book's publication, Shirreff was considered by some critics to be greatly exaggerating and risking his reputation. However, some reviewers were of a different opinion. General Wesley K. Clark, former Supreme Allied Commander Europe (1997-2000) wrote about the book: "A must read for anyone engaged in national security policy. Shirreff's warnings-veiled as fiction-ring with authenticity, rich in technical details and insight." Adm. James G. Stavridis, U.S. Navy, who twelve years later held the same position as Clark, summed up his opinion of Shirreff's warnings succinctly, "You fail to read this book at your peril."

Unfortunately, history has shown that Shirreff was more or less mistaken only in the timing of Russia’s long-prepared invasion operation. The fact that the Baltics were not invaded is likely due to the resilience of Ukraine’s defenders.

When Shirreff’s book was published, he stated, among other things, “I think it is the duty of senior soldiers engaged with politicians not to think like politicians, not to make life easy for politicians, but to lay out the military consequences of political decisions. And I sense that is something that has got blurred in recent years.”

Regarding this "blurred picture," specifically the Russian threat to Europe, Politico quoted Poland's former foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, in March 2022. Sikorski, who is married to Pulitzer Prize-winning author Anne Applebaum, remarked, “The Western Europeans pooh-poohed and patronized us for these last 30 years. For years [they] were patronizing us about our attitude: ‘Oh, you know, you over-nervous, over-sensitive Central Europeans are prejudiced against Russia.’”

I believe that Western European security and military forces, including those in Germany, have experienced an uncomfortable awakening about Russia in recent years. However, I cannot shake the feeling that they need to significantly increase their efforts, particularly in arms production, which should not be impeded by banks or politicians. Russian power structures are highly experienced in influence operations and maintain numerous supporters among European extremists and neo-Nazis. Russia is already waging a form of war against us, yet it seems that Europe remains hesitant to fully acknowledge the reality of the situation.

In the spring of 2022, during a conversation with a senior executive at one of Germany’s largest automotive manufacturers, the director laughed when the topic of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine came up. He claimed that Russia was not the enemy and that Germany’s real rival was the United States. Fortunately, over the past two years, I have seen considerable evidence that the perspective within German industry has shifted, with the compass turning back toward the West and away from Moscow.

Undoubtedly, this shift has been influenced by the courageous resistance of the Ukrainians, which starkly contrasts with the collapse of the Afghan armed forces during the rushed withdrawal of the U.S. and its allies from Afghanistan.

The second issue that Germany and other Western European states should address with a renewed approach is the risk highlighted in 2017 by the then Foreign Minister of the United Arab Emirates, His Highness Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the Tweeps conference:

"And let me say this in English so you can understand what I am saying.“

Compere: „I have translation.“

„No, I know you have translation, I just want to make sure you get it right… There will come a day when we will see far more radical extremists and terrorists coming out of Europe because of lack of decision making, trying to be politically correct or assuming that they know the Middle East and they know Islam and they know the others far better than we do. And I'm sorry, but that's pure ignorance."


One final thought: what is more dangerous—a swastika painted on a model of a historic aircraft, serving as a reminder of the horrors of a war from which we all unequivocally dissociate ourselves, or people waving flags and shouting slogans calling for genocide, without even pretending to dissociate from the atrocities of recent years?

I sincerely hope that, in the years ahead, European politicians, authorities, and citizens can move beyond ignorance, "blurring," and political correctness when addressing the issues that genuinely threaten Europe.

01/2025
Info EDUARD 01/2025

INFO Eduard is a monthly scale model-historical magazine published in Czech and English by Eduard Model Accessories since 2010. The magazine is available for free on the Triobo platform and can be downloaded in PDF format. Eduard is a manufacturer of plastic models and accessories with over 30 years of tradition. Throughout its history in the plastic modeling industry, Eduard has become one of the world's leaders. Further details about the company and its product range can be found at www.eduard.com. You can subscribe to the INFO magazine and receive product information for free at: https://www.eduard.com/cs/info-eduard/

 

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